By :
FAIR
The New York Times reported today that the Pentagon’s
Office of Strategic Influence is “developing plans to
provide news items, possibly even false ones, to
foreign media organizations” in an effort “to
influence public sentiment and policy makers in both
friendly and unfriendly countries.”
The OSI was created shortly after September 11 to
publicize the U.S. government’s perspective in Islamic
countries and to generate support for the U.S.’s “war
on terror.” This latest announcement raises grave
concerns that far from being an honest effort to
explain U.S. policy, the OSI may be a profoundly
undemocratic program devoted to spreading
disinformation and misleading the public, both at home
and abroad. At the same time, involving reporters in
Pentagon disinformation puts the lives of working
journalists at risk.
Despite the OSI’s multi-million-dollar budget and its
mandate to propagandize throughout the Middle East,
Asia and Western Europe, “even many senior Pentagon
officials and Congressional military aides say they
know almost nothing about its purpose and plans,”
according to the Times. The Times reported that the
OSI’s latest announcement has generated opposition
within the Pentagon among those who fear that it will
undermine the Defense Department’s credibility.
Tarnished credibility may be the least of the problems
created by the OSI’s new plan to manipulate media-the
plan may compromise the free flow of information that
democracy relies on. The government is barred by law
from propagandizing within the U.S., but the OSI’s new
plan will likely lead to disinformation planted in a
foreign news report being picked up by U.S. news
outlets. The war in Afghanistan has shown that the
24-hour news cycle, combined with cuts in the foreign
news budgets across the U.S., make overseas outlets
like Al-Jazeera and Reuters key resources for U.S.
reporters.
Any “accidental” propaganda fallout from the OSI’s
efforts is troubling enough, but given the U.S.
government’s track record on domestic propaganda, U.S.
media should be pushing especially hard for more
information about the operation’s other, intentional
policies.
According to the New York Times, “one of the military
units assigned to carry out the policies of the Office
of Strategic Influence” is the U.S. Army’s
Psychological Operations Command (PSYOPS). The Times
doesn’t mention, however, that PSYOPS has been accused
of operating domestically as recently as the Kosovo
war.
In February 2000, reports in Dutch and French
newspapers revealed that several officers from the 4th
PSYOPS Group had worked in the news division at CNN's
Atlanta headquarters as part of an “internship”
program starting in the final days of the Kosovo War.
Coverage of this disturbing story was scarce (see
FAIR’s “Why Were Government Propaganda Experts Working
on News at CNN?” 3/27/00), but after FAIR issued an
Action Alert on the story, CNN stated that it had
already terminated the program and acknowledged that
it was “inappropriate.”
Even if the PSYOPS officers working in the newsroom
did not directly influence news reporting, the
question remains of whether CNN may have allowed the
military to conduct an intelligence-gathering mission
against the network itself. The idea isn’t
far-fetched-- according to Intelligence Newsletter
(2/17/00), a rear admiral from the Special Operations
Command told a PSYOPS conference that the military
needed to find ways to "gain control" over commercial
news satellites to help bring down an "informational
cone of silence" over regions where special operations
were taking place. One of CNN’s PSYOPS “interns”
worked in the network’s satellite division. (During
the Afghanistan war the Pentagon found a very direct
way to “gain control”-- it simply bought up all
commercial satellite images of Afghanistan, in order
to prevent media from accessing them.)
It’s worth noting that the 4th PSYOPS group is the
same group that staffed the National Security
Council's now notorious Office of Public Diplomacy
(OPD), which planted stories in the U.S. media
supporting the Reagan Administration's Central America
policies during the 1980s. Described by a senior U.S.
official as a "vast psychological warfare operation of
the kind the military conducts to influence a
population in enemy territory" (Miami Herald,
7/19/87), the OPD was shut down after the Iran-Contra
investigations, but not before influencing coverage in
major outlets including the Wall Street Journal, New
York Times and Washington Post (Extra!, 9-10/01).
The OPD may be gone, but the Bush administration’s
recent recess appointment of former OPD head Otto
Reich as assistant secretary of state for Western
Hemisphere affairs is not reassuring. It suggests, at
best, a troubling indifference to Reich’s role in
orchestrating the OPD’s deception of the American
people.
Indeed, as the Federation of American Scientists
points out, “the Bush Administration’s insistent
efforts to expand the scope of official secrecy have
now been widely noted as a defining characteristic of
the Bush presidency” (Secrecy News, 2/18/02). The
administration’s refusal to disclose Enron-related
information to the General Accounting Office is
perhaps the most publicized of these efforts; another
is Attorney General John Ashcroft’s October 12 memo
urging federal agencies to resist Freedom Of
Information Act requests.
In addition, the Pentagon’s restrictive press policies
throughout the war in Afghanistan have been an ongoing
problem. Most recently, Washington Post reporter Doug
Struck claims that U.S. soldiers threatened to shoot
him if he proceeded with an attempt to investigate a
site where civilians had been killed; Struck has
stated that for him, the central question raised by
the incident is whether the Pentagon is trying to
“cover up” its actions and why it won’t “allow access
by reporters to determine what they're doing here in
Afghanistan” (CBS, “The Early Show,” 2/13/02).
Taken together, these incidents and policies should
raise alarm bells for media throughout the country.
Democracy doesn’t work if the public does not have
access to full and accurate information about its
government.
From FAIR (Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting)